Translations of the Book of Common Prayer

Beginning in 1999, I have worked on digitizing the Book of Common Prayer in languages other than English. This is a current list of languages. Links are available at this address.

  1. Addo
  2. Afrikaans
  3. Ainu
  4. Amharic
  5. Angas
  6. Aoba
  7. Arabic
  8. Arapaho
  9. Armenian
  10. Armeno-Turkish
  11. Arosi
  12. Ateso
  13. Awabakal Dialect
  14. Aymara
  15. Bandi
  16. Bangala
  17. Basque
  18. Beaver
  19. Bemba
  20. Binandere
  21. Bislama
  22. Bohemian
  23. Bontok Igorot
  24. Bugotu
  25. Bukar
  26. Bullom So
  27. Burmese
  28. Car Nicobarese
  29. Cheke Holo
  30. Cherokee
  31. Cheyenne
  32. Chichewa
  33. Chinese
  34. Chinsenga
  35. Chinyanja
  36. Chipewyan
  37. Chiswina
  38. Cigogo
  39. Cornish
  40. Cree
  41. Czech
  42. Dakota
  43. Deg Xinag
  44. Dholuo
  45. Dinka
  46. Eastern Canadian Inuktitut (Eastern Arctic Eskimo)
  47. English
  48. Eskimo
  49. Eskimo (Point Hope Dialect)
  50. Fijian
  51. Florida Language
  52. French
  53. Georgian
  54. German
  55. Giatikshan
  56. Grebo
  57. Greek
  58. Gujarati
  59. Gwich’in
  60. Haida
  61. Hangchow Colloquial Chinese
  62. Hausa
  63. Hawai’ian
  64. Hebrew
  65. Hindi
  66. “Hindoostanee”
  67. Hungarian
  68. Iban
  69. Icelandic
  70. Igbo
  71. Italian
  72. Japanese
  73. Jawi
  74. Jinghpaw (Kachin)
  75. Kamba
  76. Karamojong
  77. Karen
  78. Khmer
  79. Kigiryama
  80. Kikuyu
  81. Kirundi
  82. Kisi
  83. Korean
  84. Kreyol
  85. Kurdish
  86. Kwagūtl
  87. Kwanyama
  88. Kwara’ae
  89. Ladino
  90. Latin
  91. Lau
  92. Lavukaleve
  93. Lombaha
  94. Longu
  95. Luganda
  96. Luhya
  97. Maasai (Samburu)
  98. Maewo
  99. Maisin
  100. Malagasy
  101. Malay
  102. Malayalam
  103. Manx
  104. Marathi
  105. Masaba
  106. Merelava
  107. Miriam
  108. Mohawk
  109. Mota
  110. Mpoto
  111. Mundari
  112. Munsee/Delaware
  113. Nahuatl
  114. Nandi
  115. Naskapi
  116. Nduindui
  117. Neklakapamuk
  118. Nepali
  119. Nishga
  120. Norwegian
  121. Nume
  122. Nupe
  123. Ojibwe
  124. Ontong Java
  125. Orokaiva (Pereho)
  126. Ottawa Ojibwe
  127. Pashto
  128. Pennsylvania German
  129. Persian
  130. Polish
  131. Portuguese
  132. Quechua
  133. Raga
  134. Russian
  135. Sa’a
  136. Samburu
  137. Samoan
  138. Santa Ana
  139. Saulteaux
  140. Selako
  141. Serbian
  142. Sesutho
  143. Seychellois Creole
  144. Shekiri
  145. Shona
  146. Shoshoni
  147. Sikaiana
  148. Sindhi
  149. Spanish
  150. Sudanese Arabic
  151. Swahili
  152. Swedish
  153. Tagalog
  154. Taita
  155. Tamil
  156. Taveta
  157. Telugu
  158. Thai
  159. Tibetan
  160. Tigara
  161. Tikopia
  162. Toga
  163. Tok Pisin
  164. Tongan
  165. Tsonga
  166. Tswana
  167. Turkish
  168. Tutchone
  169. Ubir
  170. Ukrainian
  171. Ulawa
  172. Upper Koyukon
  173. Urdu
  174. Urhobo
  175. Vai
  176. Vaturanga
  177. Vietnamese
  178. Welsh
  179. Western Eskimo
  180. Wichí
  181. Yiddish
  182. Zande
  183. Zimshian
  184. Zulu

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Foiano di Val Fortore genealogical records online

Italy

Family Search

United States

Family Search | Pennsylvania, Eastern District Court, Naturalization Records, 1795-1952

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Northampton County Italian American genealogical resources

Castel di Lucio, Messina, Sicilia

Foiano di Val Fortore, Benevento, Campania

Motta D’Affermo, Messina, Sicilia

Pettineo, Messina, Sicilia

Roseto Valfortore, Foggia, Apulia

Santo Stefano di Camastra, Messina, Sicilia

Sommatino, Caltanissetta, Sicilia

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Sommatino genealogical records online

Italy

FamilySearch

Ancestry.com

United States

Family Search | Pennsylvania, Eastern District Court, Naturalization Records, 1795-1952

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Communion in One Kind, by Franklin Joiner (1944)

In the Book of the Acts of the Holy Apostles we read that after our Lord’s resurrection from the dead he showed himself alive to his Apostles and disciples, and spoke “of the things pertaining to the kingdom of God.” The writer goes into no detail, but states simply this bare fact. The author of this book in writing about S. Peter’s Pentecostal sermon which converted 3000 souls, adds that “they continued steadfastly in the Apostles’ doctrine and fellowship, and in the breaking of bread, and in prayers.” And further on in the Acts he writes of the infant Church and the contemporary Christians, “they continued daily with one accord in the temple, and breaking bread from house to house.” The Apostles on the Day of Pentecost were ready to give the Sacraments of the Church to those who were being brought into its fellowship.

In establishing the Sacramental Rites and customs the Apostles began apparently by doing, what they had seen our Blessed Lord do, especially in regard to the Holy Eucharist, for this he had instituted amidst such dramatic surroundings and with such solemnity that they could never forget its slightest word or action. According to contemporary writings the first celebrations of the Mass consisted of a solemn recitation of the words of consecration as spoken by our Lord in the Upper Room, accompanied with the breaking of the bread and the blessing of the cup, the recitation of the Lord’s Prayer (since this form was in the Apostles’ mind closely and intimately bound up with the Master), and a Hymn, for the Synoptists tell us that on Maundy Thursday night after the institution of the Eucharist a hymn was sung before they went out to the Mount of Olives.

When our Blessed Lord instituted the Holy Eucharist he gave his Apostles both the Sacred Bread as his Body and the Sacred Wine as his Blood in Holy Communion. This was followed as the practice of the Church in the early centuries, and has persisted to the present day in one manner or another throughout the long history of the Church. To receive Holy Communion under both the species of Bread and Wine, as our Lord gave to the Apostles, has been a universal practice of the Church throughout the ages. But it is interesting to note that as early as the writing of the Book of the Acts of the Holy Apostles the Holy Eucharist is known and referred to as the breaking of bread. In that early day there seems to be already a peculiar devotion to the Sacramental Body, and throughout the history of the Eucharist, even though Communion was generally given in both kinds, Eucharistic devotion centered more and more in the Sacred Host.

A close study of the Gospels and Epistles, and a scrutiny of our Lord’s own words give ample warrant for this discrimination. Over and over again our Lord speaks of himself as the Living Bread, as Food which man must eat, whereas he never speaks of himself as the Cup or as of Drink. In the 6th chapter of the Fourth Gospel we have his wonderful dissertation on the Bread of Life. The reference here in this great Eucharistic sermon to his Blood and the drinking of it seems to be only incidental in his discourse, for he speaks at such length and with such emphasis about the Bread of Life and the partaking of his Flesh. While no one would suggest for a moment that our Lord was here forecasting the practice of giving and receiving Holy Communion in one kind, it can be said quite definitely that this Eucharistic discourse of our Lord’s had a great deal to do with the development of Eucharistic doctrine, and gave the Church ample justification for the centering of her Eucharistic worship and devotion in the Sacred Species of the Sacramental Bread. This concentration of devotion in the Sacred Host is rather a practical than a theological matter. It is difficult to move the Chalice. It is very hard to prevent irreverence in its administration. It is impossible chemically to reserve the Sacred Species of Wine. These difficulties are not present in the administering and reserving of the Sacred Host.

In Apostolic days great emphasis was laid on the Unity of the Bishop with his priests. No occasion was overlooked to underline this essential one-ness between the Cathedral and the Parish Church. One of the many ways in which this Unity was symbolized was by the Bishop from his Mass sending a piece of his Consecrated Host to every parish Church in the city where he was celebrating. These bits of the Sacred Host consecrated by the Bishop were carried by the Deacons, and the piece of the Bishop’s Host was deposited in the Chalice of the Priest’s Mass in his parish Church. This Unity of the Church, symbolized by the Eucharistic Body of our Lord in the Mass, is the theme of one of our most beloved Communion Hymns, “O may we all One Bread, One Body be, in this blest Sacrament of Unity.” We have a survival of the ritual of this sharing of the Bishop’s Mass and the Bishop’s Host with each parish in his See in the commixture at the Mass when the Priest today breaks a piece of the Host he has consecrated and places It in the Chalice with an appropriate prayer. And the Humeral Veil worn by the Sub-Deacon at the Solemn Mass is a survival of the time when he stood ready at the Bishop’s Altar to carry the Holy Fragment to the Church where he was assigned.

When Reservation of the Sacrament in order to communicate the sick and dying came into practice, it was found impracticable to reserve the Sacrament of the Precious Blood. Attempts to communicate the sick and dying with the Species of Wine were made in the beginning, but they had to be given up. Such things as silver and gold tubes were resorted to in order to communicate the sick and dying with the Precious Blood, but it was impossible to avoid irreverence and desecration in such communions. The question of cleansing the instruments thus brought into contact with the Holy Sacrament was an insuperable problem, so, primarily on practical grounds the Blessed Sacrament from earliest days has generally been reserved in one kind only.

This custom is protected by the Doctors of the Church who with one accord have agreed on the Doctrine of Concomitance. By this doctrine the Church declares that our Lord is wholly and entirely present in the smallest crumb of a Consecrated Host and in the tiniest drop of the Consecrated Wine. Therefore one who receives a whole Host in Communion receives no more of our Lord’s Sacramental Body and his grace than he who receives only a small particle. And one whose lips are barely touched by the Sacred Species of the Chalice has received of our Lord’s Sacramental gifts as fully as one who grabs the Chalice with both hands and partakes with presumption. So the Church has always taught that a Communion made under the form of the Host alone or under the form of the Chalice alone is a whole and valid and sufficient Communion.

As Eucharistic devotion grew under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, it centered as we have said above in the Sacred Host. Because of the reverent necessity to reserve under this one kind only, and because theologians substantiated the practice as it developed, the Church found justification for the custom in the teaching of our Lord and of S. Paul, in the emphasis they both lay upon the Living Bread, and also in the striking incident that it was in the Breaking of Bread that the Risen Christ was made known to the disciples at Emmaus on the first Easter night.

When processions of the Blessed Sacrament came into being and the Rite of Benediction was framed, it was the Sacred Host that was carried in procession, it was the Sacred Host that was exposed in the Monstrance. This is a development, we admit, but a development under the tutelage of the Holy Ghost, who was sent among other reasons that he might guide us into all truth. This development in Eucharistic practice did not emerge full-blown, but appeared slowly through the years, and has been verified from age to age in the experience of the Church and in the testimony of the Saints.

There is no doubt whatever that during the early centuries of the Church Holy Communion was given to the faithful under both kinds, that is, the communicant received both the Body and the Blood in the Eucharist under the two forms of Bread and Wine. The Sacrament was reserved under the Species of Bread alone, so the sick and the dying and those who received Holy Communion outside the Liturgy received in one kind only, that is under the Species of the Holy Bread. Communion by Intinction was not unknown in the early Church, but where and when it was first introduced we do not know. We do know there was at first a great prejudice against this practice and it was most scrupulously avoided because it was too reminiscent of the traitor Judas who “dipped a sop” with our Lord, in the dish. By Intinction we mean dipping the Sacred Bread in the Sacred Contents of the Chalice, and communicating the faithful with the Host thus moistened, and placing It upon the tongue. Sometimes the Sacred Host was dipped in the Chalice and sometimes It was intincted or moistened with un-consecrated wine. This is the manner of giving Holy Communion in the Eastern Orthodox Church today, a mere vestige of which we have in the West in the Mass of the Pre-sanctified on Good Friday, when the Priest makes his communion after this fashion with the Consecrated Host (reserved from the Mass of Maundy Thursday) and the unconsecrated chalice. In the East the Species of Bread is reserved, and in Communion the Sacred Host is dipped in unconsecrated wine and given to the communicant on a spoon. Wherever the Chalice has been given directly to the laity and at whatever period in the history of the Church, there has always been a fear of irreverence and a dread of desecration on the part of the Priest, and a feeling of revulsion, more or less, on the part of the communicant. Pious efforts to avoid this situation have been the incentive for inventing other ways in which Holy Communion may be given and received. In the middle ages during the prevalence of wide-spread epidemics and general plagues, as a sanitary precaution, the faithful began of themselves to withdraw from the Chalice. The Church did not take the Chalice away from the people, the people themselves withdrew from the Chalice. Communion in one kind was the practice in England at the time of the Reformation, and has always continued there in certain quarters. The appellation of the term mutilated sacrament to communion in one kind, arose not in England but with the protestant reformers on the continent.

There is perfectly good precedent for Communion in all three ways, both kinds, one kind, and intinction. And all three ways of administering Communion are still practiced in the Catholic Church today. We cannot say that any one or two of the ways is catholic to the exclusion of the other. Any one is quite as catholic as the other two. The Eastern Orthodox still communicate the faithful by Intinction, and as far as we know by Intinction only. In the Latin Church of the West, that is in the Roman Catholic Church, Communion is given by direction in one kind only under ordinary circumstances. There are groups in union with the Roman Catholic Church where Communion is given in both kinds, and at certain functions and on special occasions in the Roman Church itself, Holy Communion is given today in both kinds.

With us in the Anglican Church the primitive practice of Communion in both kinds has prevailed. Reservation has been in one kind only, and the sick and the dying and those who receive Holy Communion outside the Mass have received the Sacred Host only. In recent years, with our modern consciousness of germs and almost fanatical fear of contagion, great prejudice has arisen against the common drinking cup, and in most states of the Union there are laws which forbid its use. This same fear and prejudice has been carried into the Church, and already most protestant bodies have adopted in their communion services the use of individual communion cups.

But with these religious groups there is no real presence in their elements of Holy Communion, the rite is simply a memorial, and with them there is no irreverence or desecration in spilling or dropping either species. This prevailing fear has been met in the Episcopal Church by adopting the practice of Intinction. There is nothing wrong with the principle of Intinction, it is its method that is bad. Intinction is the exclusive method used in the three largest and most prominent Churches in this Diocese, and in these parishes we are told Holy Communion is available in no other way. Various methods of Intinction are noted. In two of these local Churches the officiating Priest dips the Host in the Chalice and places It in the hand of the communicant. If this is done for fear of spreading disease, what about the Priest’s fingers touching the contents of the Chalice and then the hands of the communicants, and so on, back and forth? In the other local Church the communicant retains the Sacred Host in his hand, and when the Priest follows with the Chalice, the communicant himself dips the Consecrated Host into the Chalice, and conveys It to his mouth. Here you have the fingers of all the communicants going into the Chalice. It would seem that in either of these ways one is more apt to spread disease than when the faithful receive directly from the common Cup.

The answer to these fears and prejudices is Communion in One Kind. At the last meeting of our General Convention in Cleveland this matter was brought before the attention of both houses. The House of Deputies, which is made up of Priests and laymen, passed a resolution endorsing the practice of giving Holy Communion either by intinction or in one kind, and authorizing the use of any of the three prevailing methods in administering Holy Communion in the Episcopal Church. Holy Communion in one kind did not seem to be very well known to our Bishops, and when the matter was brought before them for consideration, one Bishop thinking there might be a theological question involved, suggested that the matter be referred to the Lambeth Conference, so it was left there officially by the Bishops. In the meantime they took an “off-the-record” vote and upheld the decision of the House of Deputies. So as it now stands any Bishop can give his consent to either deviation from Communion in both kinds. But the Bishop’s permission is not necessary in the matter of Communion in one kind, for in this practice it is not the Church that withholds the Chalice, it is the communicant himself of his own free will who with-draws from the Altar after he has received the Sacred Host. But the Bishop who consents to the one deviation from Prayer Book direction must also consent to the other. If we want the House of Bishops to recognize the validity of Communion in one kind, we must begin to practice it, we must make it known. It would be a very sad thing, and it is a possibility, that the Bishops would approve giving Holy Communion by Intinction and definitely repudiate the giving of Holy Communion in one kind only.

The difficulty of communicating a large number of people in both kinds is perfectly evident to all who receive at a Sunday Mass in a large city Church. The general use of cosmetics and lip stick makes for great irreverence in the use of the Chalice by many who least intend it. (Every Sunday when I go back to the Altar after giving Holy Communion at the 8 o’clock Mass and receive the Chalice from the assisting Priest, and have to cleanse the rim of the Chalice with my own lips and tongue before taking the ablutions, I find the rim of the Chalice covered with lip-stick, and the sight and taste is not only repulsive to my natural senses, but it is a real strain to preserve a priestly reverence in consuming what remains.)

I do not want any communicant in this parish to do anything that violates his conscience, nor do I want any one to receive in one kind only either to please me or because they think it is more Catholic to do so. But I would like you all to give this matter your prayerful consideration. I recommend the practice to you most highly. Receiving in one kind will be a protest against the irreverence of Intinction which is growing very rapidly throughout our Church. It will give the Bishops an opportunity to observe its practicability, its reverence, and its simplicity. It will be another step in the direction of Catholic Unity. And it will be a great physical saving to your Priests. Our Blessed Lord is wholly present in the slightest crumb or merest drop of the Holy Sacrament. There is not a dissenting voice on this point among the Doctors of the Church. By with-drawing from the Chalice I am sure in a short time you will realize that the reverence for your communions and for the Sacrament Itself has increased. My final word though must be this: the important thing in Holy Communion, and I underline this with my heaviest pencil, the important thing in Holy Communion is not the way in which you receive, but the spirit in which you come to the Blessed Sacrament. That your Communion be a worthy one must always be your first and chiefest consideration.

S. Clement’s Quarterly (Philadelphia), June 1944, pp. 11-16.

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Filed under Anglo-Catholicism, Book of Common Prayer, Episcopal Church history, Franklin Joiner, Liturgy

The Winged-Head Carver of Berks and Lebanon

Photograph of Womelsdorf by Richard Mammana

This is a developing gazetteer of a German-speaking stone carver of unknown identity whose gravestone work is present in Berks County and Lebanon County in southeastern Pennsylvania.

Berks County

Leesport, Bern Churchyard

Rehrersburg, Altalaha Lutheran

Robesonia, St. Daniel’s (Eck)

Womelsdorf, Zion Lutheran and Reformed

Lebanon County

Fredericksburg, St. John’s Lutheran

Hamburg (Tilden Township), St. Michael’s Union

Lebanon, Kimmerlings (St. Jacob’s)

Millardsville, Tulpehocken Trinity

Farber Collection, American Antiquarian Society

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Pettineo genealogical resources online

Italy

FamilySearch | Italy, Messina, Mistretta, Civil Registration (Tribunale), 1866-1942

Messina, Sicily, Italy Genealogy overview

United States

Family Search | Pennsylvania, Eastern District Court, Naturalization Records, 1795-1952

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Considering the Propriety of Supporting the Episcopal Theological Seminary at New-Haven (1820)

An Address to the Episcopalians of the United States: Considering the Propriety of Supporting the Episcopal Theological Seminary at New-Haven.
By an Episcopalian.
No place: no publisher, 1820.

As a Protestant Episcopalian, I feel myself deeply interested in every measure which involves the honour and prosperity of the Church to which I belong. It would be a waste of words to prove that of this description is every thing which relates to the business of Theological education.

I have perused, very seriously, the various pieces which have appeared in the public prints, relative to the Episcopal Theological Seminary, at New-Haven; and also the journals of the General Convention, on this subject, and the plan and address of the Board of Trustees of the Seminary. I have also made very particular inquiries of the members of the late Convention, and others capable of giving me information; and I beg leave respectfully to submit to the consideration of my fellow Episcopalians, throughout the Union, the following facts and observations, which are offered under a very serious impression of their important bearing on the honour and prosperity of our Church.

It is undoubtedly a fact, that other institutions are contemplated, besides this at New-Haven; and that there was full reason to believe that this would not receive the support of Episcopalians generally. The measure of establishing it at New-Haven appears to have been a measure of conciliation. But I am informed, on the best authority, that, while all the members of the Convention were deeply impressed with the importance of effectual provision for Theological education, some were opposed, on principle, to a Theological Seminary; others indifferent on the subject; and others disposed to unite with the friends of the General Institution in removing it to New-Haven, provided it was understood that there might be diocesan schools, with the arrangements for which the General Seminary was not to interfere. This, it appears, was particularly the case with regard to the Church in New-York. I am utterly astonished that any person can doubt this fact, or presume to represent any attempts to establish diocesan institutions, as an opposition to the general one, when I notice, on the journals of the Convention, (page 57,) that the Bishops adopted the resolutions, on this subject, with a  proviso, allowing diocesan institutions, even expressing the opinion, that the subscribers to the General Seminary were not bound to pay, in consequence of its removal. But, independently of all this, it is absurd to suppose that the General Convention can compel any diocess or any individual to support the General Institution. They have not attempted to do so—they merely request the Bishops, or standing committees, where there are no Bishops to [3/4] adopt such measures as they may deem advisable to collect funds, in aid of the Theological Seminary. Surely a request is not obligatory, and non-compliance is not an offence. And who can suppose the Bishops or Standing Committees bound to comply with this request, when the Bishops expressly declare, that the General Institution is not to interfere with “any plan now contemplated, or that may hereafter be contemplated, in any diocess or diocesses, for the establishment of Theological Institutions or professorships;”* I perceive from the journals, (page 65,) that the former Theological Seminary, while the school was at New-York, transmitted a circular address to each Clergyman of the Church, requesting his co-operation and influence in favor of the institution. The request, from all that I can learn, was in very few instances attended to; and yet, who ever thought of impeaching the delinquents with a resistance to the authority of the Church.

The support then of the institution at New-Haven, is merely voluntary—it may or may not be patronized by any diocess or individual, as may be deemed proper. And the inquiry may be fairly, and of right, made into the propriety of supporting it.

And here it must be evident, that, in supporting the General Seminary in name, we should probably support a local one, as to the management of its concerns. These are confined to twenty-four Trustees, nominated every three years, by the House of Clerical and Lay Deputies of the General Convention, from various parts of the Union, together with the Bishops of the Church. Of these Trustees, seven constitute a quorum to do business—and at present there are exactly seven Trustees in Connecticut, (exclusive of the Bishop,) residing with a day’s ride of New-Haven. Who can fail to see that the institution, in its management, will, after all, be an institution of the diocess of Connecticut, under the management of the Bishop and some of his Presbyters and Laymen? Can it be supposed, that, occupied as the Bishops and Clergy of the Church are, they can or will leave their diocesses and congregations, some of them at several hundred miles distance, to attend a meeting of the Trustees of the Seminary at New-Haven? In fact, then, it will, as to management, be a Connecticut institution. To this there would be no objection, were it a diocesan one. But is the Protestant Episcopal Church throughout the United States prepared to commit an institution, involving so deeply her interests and honour, to the management of any one diocess in the Union, however respectable? There is, indeed, a provision in the plan of the institution, adopted by the trustees, that any diocess, granting funds for a professor, shall have the right of nomination. Still the control of the professors, when appointed, and the direction of the institution, and all rules concerning it, are confided to Trustees, seven of whom constitute a quorum. There are right (including the Bishop) in Connecticut—and it is most probable, that these eight will generally be [4/5] a majority of those who attend. This was the fact, as I am informed, at the late meeting: a majority of those present were from Connecticut, and only one Bishop attended—the Bishop of the Church in that state.

It may be said, this arrangement is necessary, in order to secure a quorum. But then there ought to have been some plan to secure the proper influence to the Church at large, in an institution which goes under her name. This was attended to in the arrangement, while the institution was at New-York. Its management was confided to a Committee, consisting of the three adjacent Bishops, in Pennsylvania, New-Jersey and New-York, three Presbyters, and three Laymen—a very judicious distribution, in reference to the important check of the three orders on each other:—yet no plan which this committee might adopt, for carrying the institution into effect, was to be valid, until submitted to all the Bishops, and approved by a majority of them. No such provision now exists—and the consequence has been, that a plan of an institution, visibly affecting the dignity and prosperity of the Church, was adopted (and is binding) at a meeting of a minority of the whole board of Trustees, and only one Bishop present. It is easy to see what great influence such an institution may possess. Is it wise to patronize it, when its influence may, and generally will, be controlled and directed by the Bishop, and three Presbyters, and four Laymen of a single diocess? Take another view of the subject—suppose that the institution excited the attention of the Church generally; and that Bishops, and Presbyters, and Laymen flock from all parts of the Union, to meetings of the Trustees at New-Haven. How and when are those twenty-four Trustees, exclusive of the Bishops, elected? Every three years, by the House of Clerical and Lay Deputies in General Convention. Who does not foresee, judging from what we know of human nature, that if the institution become of such importance as to excite general and deep interest, the House of Clerical and Lay Deputies will, every three years, be the scene of contention between different diocesses and different theological parties, for the control of an institution, having so important an influence upon the general character of the Church? And who, that views the waters of bitterness which will thus be poured forth, and, unable to trace the whole extent or the termination of their ravages, should be considered as hostile to the unity of the Church in deprecating a measure which lets them loose, and in lifting up a respectful but earnest voice against it.

            The Trustees, at the meeting already noticed, in July last, have put forth an address, and adopted, as before mentioned, a plan for the organization of the institution. The Bishop of the Church in Connecticut, was the only Bishop present. In both the address and the plan, there are some matters which had better have been otherwise, and some were exceedingly exceptionable. The writer of these remarks is a friend to liberality, properly understood; and no one would more cordially hail its progress among all Christians. By liberality, he understands a kind judgment of the motives, [5/6] characters and views of others; a courteous behaviour to them; proper respect for their virtues; and, above all, maintenance of them in their just rights and privileges—all which is very consistent with exclusive views and opinions on all subjects. But the writer, in common, he concludes, with every correct mind, cannot be pleased with cant of any description, sill less with the cant of liberality—and he is sure, he speaks the sentiments of every noble-spirited friend of the Church, when he deplores any thing which lets her down from her elevated station, to a contest for popularity. The New-Haven address states, that while the institution was in New-York, no “general appeal was made to the liberality of the members of the Church.” This is not correct;* for one of the measures which would come under the denomination of a general appeal, adopted by the former Theological Committee, was an address on the subject of a Theological Seminary, directed to “the members of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States.” This was as it should be, as might be expected, from the members composing the Committee; and particularly from their dignified and venerable Chairman, the Bishop of Pennsylvania. For when all other denominations of Christians want all the funds which they can collect, for the support of their own Theological schools, who would think of directing an appeal, in favour of an Episcopal school, to them; or would consider such a measure in any other light than the cant or affectation of liberality—knowing neither those who employ it, nor those to whom it is addressed? The New Haven address, in favour of the Theological Seminary of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America, appeals to “the Christian public.”

            But still further—a section of one of the articles of the plan of the New-Haven Seminary provides as follows:

            “The Seminary shall be equally accessible to students of all religious denominations, exhibiting suitable testimonials of character and qualifications. But no one, while a member of the institution, shall be permitted to disturb its harmony, by maintaining any thing contrary to the system of faith, discipline and worship, which shall be taught in it.”

In enacting this section, the Trustees must have supposed, that [6/7] the invitation contained in it, would not be accepted, or, that it would. On the former supposition, that it would not be accepted, here is the Episcopal Church, in the person of the Trustees of the Theological Seminary at New-Haven, condescending to a cheap art of obtaining popularity, by an offer, which, they knew at the time, would not be accepted. Of if they supposed it would be accepted, how insulting to students of other denominations, the condition with which it is coupled. They are “not permitted to disturb the harmony of the institution, by maintaining any thing contrary to the system of faith, discipline and worship, which shall be taught in it;” as much as to say to them—young gentlemen, Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists—see how liberal we are; we open the doors of our temple to you, but the moment you enter it, your mouths are closed, except to utter the sentiments, however repugnant to your principles, which we shall inculcate. How insulting, I repeat it, the condition of this offer; and yet, I impeach not its necessity, and even its expediency, if the invitation be made. For, undoubtedly, it would not be a very “harmonious” assemblage of Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Baptist and Methodist students in Divinity, contending for their variant systems. But what does this prove? That the offer should not have been made.—Let Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists, take care of their own students in Divinity, and Episcopalians of theirs. This is dignified liberality; this is the true mode of preserving harmony. If the offer, however, must be made, connect not with it a degrading condition. It may be pleaded in excuse, this is only following the example set us by other denominations—not exactly, for I suspect they lay no such injunction as that stated, on the students of a different faith, who enter their schools. But example cannot sanction what is incorrect; and I am concerned for my Church, when I see her character involved in this (I must so consider it) undignified attempt to obtain popularity. But further—if the candidates for the ministry of other denominations are to come to our Theological school, must we not be equally liberal, and send some of our candidates to theirs? And is this to be desired?

            There is another very extraordinary feature in the plan of the Theological Seminary at New-Haven. It is provided, that “every student who shall be assisted in the pursuit of his theological education, to the amount of $100 per year, shall, on his receiving holy orders, officiate, if required, as a missionary, under the direction of the Board of Directors of the Foreign and Domestic Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States, for the term of from one to three years, according to the discretion of the said Board, provided a suitable provision be made for his support.”

This measure is a violation of the Canons of the Church. They prescribe that candidates for orders, when ordained, shall be under the direction, while in Deacon’s orders, of the Ecclesiastical authority by whom they were ordained. But what says the Theological Seminary at New Haven? No—you shall be under the direction of [7/8] the Board of Directors of the Foreign and Domestic Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States; and that not merely while you are in Deacon’s orders, but, if they think proper, for the term of three years.

            And what is this Foreign and Domestic Missionary Society? Let me digress, for a few minutes, while I say—I know of no such society in existence. To constitute a society, there must be a meeting of its members to enact measures for the attainment of its object, be it secular, literary, or religious. To the journal of the last General Convention of the Church, there is annexed a constitution of the Protestant Episcopal Missionary Society in the United States, for Foreign and Domestic Missions.” But I find no provision for any meeting of the society, nor, of course, for any exercise of the powers of its members. The presiding Bishop of the Church, is indeed President; the other Bishops are Vice-Presidents; but they never have an opportunity of presiding—the society never meets—who can say that it exists. True, there is a Board of Managers, of twenty-four members, appointed by the General Convention, to conduct its affairs, who are thirteen Presbyters, and nine Laymen; the Laymen all resident in the city of Philadelphia; and, will it be believed, among these managers, not a single Bishop. The Presiding Bishop of the Church is indeed President, and the Bishops Vice-Presidents of the Society. But the society never meets. In other societies, the President and Vice-Presidents are, ex officiis, members of the Board of Trustees, or Managers. Not so here; the Managers of the society, consist of the thirteen Presbyters, and nine Laymen. A Bishop of the Church, in the United States, according to the constitution of the Protestant Episcopal Society, has no more right to meddle with its concerns, than the Bishop of Calcutta: and thus the business of Foreign and Domestic Missions, in which, surely, the agency of the Bishops would be important, is placed entirely beyond their control.

            Let not the writer be misunderstood: he is not contending for any high claims of Bishops; he approves, most cordially, of the principles which associate Bishops, Clergy and Laymen, in the offices of the Church. But surely there are none who will contend, that the Bishops of the Church should be excluded from any participation in the management of a Society for Foreign and Domestic Missions.

            But further—of these thirteen Presbyters, and nine Laymen, who are managers of this society, (and who, it would seem, if there be any society, constitute the society itself,) there are twelve resident in Philadelphia, and six constitute a quorum. Thus, then, the whole business of Foreign and Domestic Missions, as far as it comes within the powers of this society, may be conducted by three of the youngest Presbyters in the city of Philadelphia, who are the only Clerical Managers there, with any three of the nine Laymen resident in that city. No Bishop, not even the venerable Presiding Bishop of the Church in Pennsylvania, has any right to make his appearance among them, or to lift up his voice in their concerns. Could all [8/9] this have been understood by the Convention? Here I confess is a mystery.

            On recurring, however, to the journals, I find on the minutes of the House of Clerical and Lay Deputies, the last day of the session of the Convention, the following record:—“The Rev. Mr. Boyd, from the committee on the subject of a Missionary Society, reported in favour of forming such society, and offered a constitution, which was considered and accepted, with amendments, and sent to the House of Bishops.” On the minutes of that house, at a meeting, at 5 o’clock, P.M. of the same day, I find recorded, their concurrence in this constitution, with amendments. The strange defects and arrangements of the constitution must then be accounted for, by the rapidity with which it was carried through both houses, on the last day of the session of the Convention. The entire omission of the agency of the Bishops, must also be accounted for, from the circumstance, that, being appointed to preside over the society, and the presiding officers generally being members of the Board of Managers, the omission, in this case, could not be expected, and would naturally be unnoticed. How so defective and exceptionable a constitution could have been reported by the committee, who must, or ought to have had it for a long time under consideration, must still remain a mystery. But even the Board of Managers of this society, according to the constitution, are not in existence. The constitution provides, that they shall “be appointed by the General Convention.” The General Convention consists of the House of Bishops, and the House of Clerical and Lay Deputies. Of course, the Managers must be appointed by a vote of both houses. If the House of Clerical and Lay Deputies, alone, had been meant, it would have been so specified, as is done in the case of the Trustees of the Theological Seminary. On the last evening of the session, it appears, from the journals, that the House of Clerical and Lay Deputies appointed certain persons Managers of the Missionary Society. This appointment was not sent to the House of Bishops—of course, it did not receive their concurrence. The Managers were not, therefore, appointed as the constitution provides by the General Convention; of course, they are not authorised to act. Is it not plain, that there is neither society nor Managers?*

            The Theological students, educated at the expense of the General Seminary, are to be compelled to officiate, if required, (contrary to the canons) as missionaries, under the direction of the Missionary Society, for a term from one to three years. Now, suppose this Seminary obtains large funds, and educates a large number for the ministry—they are all to be under the direction of this Missionary Society; and thus, they may be under the control of six Presbyters or six Laymen, (Bishops being out of the question,) who are authorised to conduct the affairs of this society. What powerful influence will [9/10] they possess! Besides, individual states have their Missionary Societies, and they may want the students, educated at the seminary, for the destitute settlements of those states; but they cannot have them, unless it pleases the Foreign Missionary Society, who may be six Presbyters or six Laymen. What an extraordinary society! And what an extraordinary act, (to say nothing of its being uncanonical,) in the Trustees of the Seminary, to place such power in the hands of this society.

            With respect to the Theological Seminary at New-Haven, it is evident, it will not be a general one—it will not receive general support; for plans are now in operation, and others are contemplated, for diocesan institutions. It will be general, too, only in name, as to its management; for it will virtually be under the control of the diocese where it is situated; and surely it is obviously improper, that the character of the Church at large, in so important a business as Theological instruction, should be in the keeping of the Bishop and of the Clergy and Laity of any one diocese. The inexpediency of this has been already verified in the proceedings of the Trustees, as a meeting at which but one Bishop was present, and who, with his Clergy and Laity, constituted a majority of the meeting, adopted measures, as has already been shewn, derogatory to the dignity of the Church, and taking from the canonical authority the control of certain candidates for orders, in order to place them under the control of a few Presbyters and Laymen, acting as the Managers of a society, which, in fact, cannot be said to have any existence.*

[11] May I not be permitted to suggest, that the error of the Convention has been in attempting to do too much; departing from the sage advice of their venerable senior Bishop, to confine their legislation to such matters as are necessary to constitute the Church one body, and leaving the rest to diocesan regulation—thus opening a door for endless jealousies and collisions.

            In the address of the Trustees of the Seminary at New-Haven, it is stated, that “its contiguity to Yale College will afford it the advantage of the valuable library, and the public lectures of that institution.” And are we come to this? Is the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, the daughter of one of the first Churches of the Reformation, reduced to the necessity of depending on the aid of a literary institution, by charter, under the control, and in operation devoted to the interests, of another denomination of Christians? Must the candidates for orders, of a Church that has justly boasted of her scriptural doctrines—her Apostolic ministry, and he primitive worship, be dependent on the public lectures of a President and Professors, who subscribe to doctrines opposed, in some respects, to those which she professes to have derived from the Apostles’ times? And must she, in a public address, or any of her constituted authorities, pride herself in her humiliation? As an Episcopalian, I disclaim any share in the degrading boast. It was not, I am thankful, the act of my Church—of her Bishops—her Clergy, and Laity. Is it possible that it will be sanctioned by the Churchmen in Connecticut—by the Churchmen in the United States?

            Short-sighted is this temporizing policy—this barter for the favours of Yale College, of the dignity, distinction, character and solid interests of the Church! Who does not see that, of two literary and religious institutions, so contiguous, the more powerful must imperceptibly, perhaps, for a time, but surely and effectually, influence, if not control the latter? Can the Theological Seminary expect to vie with an institution, so respectable and powerful as Yale College? Will not the former be perpetually eclipsed, in lustre, by the latter—venerable for antiquity, solid in her establishments, respectable in her endowments, and numerous and eminent in her professors? Are there any so weak, or so blind, as to believe that the President, Professor and Guardians of Yale College will be so faithless to their trust, as to be disposed seriously to promote the extension of the Church, which holds doctrines, ministry and worship, different from, and opposed to, those which they are pledged to maintain and advance? They are wiser men than all this. From what we know of human nature, it is not uncharitable to think that they will conciliate—they will make advances—they will offer advantages, on the policy of ultimately influencing, if not controlling.

            But is it then certain, that the Theological Seminary of the Protestant Episcopal Church, is to be associated with Yale College? Must the hope which every high-minded Churchman has cherished, [11/12] that the Church would possess within herself those means of literary and Theological instruction, which others enjoy, be relinquished? What would we think of the Presbyterian Church, if she were to locate her Theological Seminary contiguous to an Episcopal College, (did one exist—alas! there is not one,) and acknowledge herself indebted to its smiles? What but that she was humbled, degraded—an objection of compassion, with other independent denominations of Christians. Surely, in locating the Seminary, reference should be had to the inspiring object, of ultimately connecting it with an Episcopal College. At New-Haven, every such hope is cut off. If it was proper that the Seminary should be transferred to a place, (to use the language of the address,) “equally removed from the expensive extravagances of a large city and the vulgar manners of an obscure village,” it was not on this account indispensable to transfer it to New-Haven.

            The importance, in the view of the writer, of these facts and observations, must be his apology for presenting them. Let it not be said, that he is stirring up a strife: his object is to prevent it. For he considers the measures on which he has remarked, in many respects injurious, and calculated to produce endless collisions and jealousies. Obsta principiis. Now is the time to prevent these evils. The means of prevention may be unpleasant—but the evils would be worse.

            Fellow-Episcopalians,—I trust I have said enough to induce you to pause—to delay—before you patronize the Seminary at New-Haven. The next General Convention may, indeed, transfer it to another place, and make other arrangements concerning it; but this is uncertain. Let provision be made for diocesan Theological instruction; and if, at any future time, the Church must unite in a General Theological Seminary, let it be connected with an object, from which it ought never to be separated—an object without which the Church must languish in reputation, as in strength and influence—an object therefore worthy of the warmest zeal, devotion, and liberality of her Sons—an Episcopal College.

AN EPISCOPALIAN


* This declaration, though a public document, appearing on the journals, and evidencing the views of the Bishops relative to the Theological Seminary, is not inserted among the other documents in the pamphlet published by Bishop Brownell, in behalf of the Trustees of the Seminary.

* By a general appeal, must be meant, either a general address, or particular applications—both were done while the Seminary was in New-York. A general address was made, by the Committee, to the members of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States. An address was made on the subject, by Bishop Hobart, to the Committee of New-York. Particular applications were made by the agents appointed at the General Convention; by the Committee; and by special agents in the city of New-York, who had districts assigned them, and by Bishop Brownell, who, as he states, “travelled from New-York to Georgia on its concerns.” But, as it is understood, his object was also health, and the most southern climate, confined his applications to the towns on the post road. Besides this, a circular letter was addressed to every Clergyman of the Church in the United States, earnestly soliciting his co-operation and influence, in favour of the Seminary. How can it be said, that, while the institution was in New York, “no general appeal was made to the liberality of the friends of the Church?” No order appears in the resolutions of the Trustees, at their late meeting in New-Haven, with respect to an address. It is, however, signed, “By order of the Trustees: T.C. Brownell, President pro tem.;” and provision therefore must have been made for drafting it.

* The Managers of the Society, as well as the Trustees of the Seminary, were appointed, as I am informed, viva voce; a mode which prevents an unbiassed election, and places the appointments, virtually, in the hands of three or four members, and probably, even one.

* It may be said, that these Presbyters and Laymen were chosen by the General Convention—not so; only by the house of Clerical and Lay Deputies. And how were they chosen? Not by ballot, the only correct mode, but by the nomination of a committee. Besides the question occurs—is it safe, is it right, to pace so important a business under the control of so few Presbyters and Laymen, excluding entirely the Bishops of the Church.

Transcribed by Richard Mammana, 2019

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“A Royal Martyr” in Holy Cross Magazine (1926)

Introduction

This unsigned reflection on King Charles the First appeared in The Holy Cross Magazine (January 1926), pp. 14-16. Devotion to the Royal Martyr in the Order of the Holy Cross was strong in the person of OHC founder James Otis Sargent Huntington (1854-1935), who was present at the 1897 unveiling of a Caroline portrait at the former Church of the Evangelists in Philadelphia. By the 1920s, the Order’s ownership and veneration of a relic of Charles exposed them to Low Church mockery in the popular press—an account of which I will prepare for a future issue of SKCM News.

“For God, for the Cause, for the Church, for the laws, for Charles, the King of England.”

Such was the watchword of the Cavalier of 1642, a watchword which represented an ideal for which life itself was but a small price to pay. For Church and King, the Royalists unhesitatingly sacrificed wealth, honors, lands, and faced death on the battlefield or on a scaffold with smiling lips and with undaunted courage.

King Charles, beaten and a prisoner, ruled in the hearts of his followers, and his death at the hands of his foes brought inspiration to the hunted Cavaliers and added a new name to the bede roll of England’s saints and martyrs.

It is the fashion now to decry King Charles, to speak with pitying tolerance of the hero worship of the Royalists, to laud Cromwell the statesman, and to admire the sterling qualities of the stern old liberty-loving Puritans. Yet a most cursory study of the times shows clearly that the conflict of the Civil War was not for the liberties of England, nor was the issue tyranny or limited monarch,—these points were quite aside from the vital question.

The Stuarts, Scotch by race and French by upbringing, were quite unable to grasp the constitution of England and never could understand why a King should not levy his own taxes. Their idea of the “right divine of kings to govern wrong,” though in no sense a doctrine put forth to ensure absolute power, was a dogma that they thoroughly believed, as showing the sanctity of their persons, and as adding to their responsibility.

When in addition to this they faced the problem of a divided Parliament, it was natural that the trouble over ship money should result. In the year 1641, the House of Lord was Royalist almost to a man, and the House of Commons solidly Puritan. A deadlock ensued. A proposal from the Lords was promptly voted down by the Commons and a measure had only to be passed by the Lower House to ensure its being vetoed at once by the Lords. Money bills could be originated only in the Commons, and as a result, the King found himself in the position of having to keep up a navy and an army without funds. The only outlet seemed to be illegal taxation, and the quartering of the army upon inhabitants of villages and towns.

Again, the cause of the war is often stated to be the attempted arrest of the five members, certainly an unconstitutional act and one quite indefensible. Yet Cromwell was equally unconstitutional when in order to get a decision against the King, he refused admission to members of Parliament who would vote in his favor, and likewise abolished the House of Lords by a minority vote. When this packed Parliament and its successor finally failed him, he turned the members out by force, and from thenceforth ruled without a Parliament and levied taxes as he pleased.

The cause of the war was not the constitution of the English government, but the real issue lay clear cut and well defined in the mind of Cavalier and Roundhead alike,—religion.

 “Down with the Bishops,” shouted the Puritan. “Stand by the Church,” was the cry of the Royalist. Should England become Puritan, or should she hold by her ancient heritage, and remain a part of the Holy Catholic Church? That was the question. And the result of the Civil War answered it.

Beaten, hunted from place to place, her churches desecrated, her altars torn down, her services proscribed, her priests shot, exiled and even sold into slavery, England kept the faith. Through all the dark years of the Commonwealth, in woods and in waste places, in tiny obscure chapels and hidden rooms of the great houses, the Holy Sacrifice was offered. Bishop, priest, and layman alike risked life itself for the sake of Mother Church, and, standing staunchly side by side, grew stronger while the Puritan body, split by innumerable quarrels, lost its hold.

It was on this issue that King Charles won his right to be termed a hero of the Church. It was a hard fight, for conflict was foreign to his nature. It was natural for him to compromise and to take the easier path. In his home life, his character was unimpeached. His love of his queen was a marvellous thing in a day when Kings wedded for political reasons, and frequently held themselves above responsibility for the lonely princesses who shared their splendour.

Henrietta Maria was the love of King Charles’ life and the first outburst which he faced from his rebellious people, was caused by the fact that he permitted her the free exercise of her religion, and her own chaplain. The blot on his life was Strafford,—a blot which he owned himself, never forgiving that moment of weakness when he signed the warrant which sent his friend to a scaffold. Even on the day of his death he spoke of this. Undoubtedly he had other grave faults. The temptation to compromise was a Stuart trait as was a certain insincerity and tendency to untruthfulness. King Charles shared these, and in the troublous times in which he lived, the difficulties led to a shifty policy, and the playing of one party against another.

But where the Church was concerned, he never for a moment flinched. Parliament, or rather the House of Commons, would have voted him whatever money he asked if he had discredited Laud, and refused his assent to the Ecclesiastical Commission. He would not. Even before the question of the Episcopate came up, he steadily refused to have the Church molested. Her services, her altars, her Sacraments, were inviolate, and he risked a civil war rather than danger to her.

 When after Marston Moor, he took refuge with his Scotch subjects, his liberty depended on his signature to the Covenant, and he chose a prison. Sold to the Puritans of England, he went to Carisbrook a captive, knowing that on his pledge to abolish the episcopate, his throne would be his again.

He repeatedly refused and as a result, Cromwell brought him to trial for treason. The King faced it. Never had he shown more quiet dignity, more steadfast courage than when he stood before the packed Parliament, and made his protest against their Right to try their King. Where were his peers? he asked.

His plea denied, oblivious of insults, slanders and slurs, he defended himself resolutely, and when the foregone conclusion was reached, and the mock trial ended in his condemnation, he received his sentence of death unmoved.

Doubtless, Cromwell thought that face to face with mortal danger, he would yield, but the offer of life was received like all the rest. The King would not renounce the Church, nor abet the Puritans in their persecution of her. It remained for the Prince of Wales to offer a blank paper with his signature for his father’s life, but the Puritans knew only too well that the King would receive it at no such cost. Dear as his son was to King Charles, dearer than the life they threatened, dearest of all was the love of Christ, so far above all earthly issues as to be immeasurable.

The end came. He arrayed himself as for a bridal, walked with firm step across his own banqueting hall, stood on the grim scaffold above his people, guarded by his foes. With a parting charge for forgiveness to those who had hounded him, and a prayer “as short as a grace,” the King bowed his head beneath the executioner’s axe, and passed to the “crown incorruptible.”

“A tragedy,” said the world. “A kingly ending,” his unrelenting foes agreed. Yet it was no tragedy. King Charles won the victory of his life that day when he laid it down. Nor was it a “King’s courage” that carried him firm to the end. The faith that he kept in the shadow of death was the faith of the saints of old, and the courage was the same as that which sent little maidens and young lads to face the lions under Nero, and which nerved the early Christians to die smiling under their tortures.

Hero and martyr, he was rightly termed, not by the blind partisanship of his own devoted followers, but by the Church for whom he fought and died. The Puritans counted their victory complete on the thirtieth of January 1649, but it was the hour of their downfall. With the death of the King, a great revulsion swept over the people; once again, the blood of a martyr was the seed of the Church, thousands wavering in the balance, turned back to the faith of old, and those, who had stood steadfast through the dark years of civil strife, took fresh courage as they thanked God for Charles, King of England.

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Santo Stefano di Camastra genealogical resources online

Italy

FamilySearch | Italy, Messina, Mistretta, Civil Registration (Tribunale), 1870-1940

Messina, Sicily, Italy Genealogy overview

United States

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HE WAS AN EXTREME ANGLICAN (1899)

From The New York Times, February 12, 1899

HE WAS AN EXTREME ANGLICAN
LEAVES EPISCOPAL CHURCH
The Rev. Mr. Nichol Professes the Roman Catholic Faith.
A Founder of the Society of King Charles the Martyr
His Change of Creed a Sudden One

It became known yesterday that the Rev. Robert Thomas Nichol, a member of the Episcopal priesthood of this city, had forsaken the faith to which he belonged and had united with the communion of the Roman Catholic Church. The knowledge of Mr. Nichol’s conversion to the Catholic Church was a shock to the clergyman’s friends, although it was known that he was one of the most devoted adherents of the Anglican-Catholic party in this country and in England, for it was not believed by them that he would go to the length of separating himself from the association and traditions in which his whole life seemed to be bound up. It was said by those who know of the circumstances which led to his change of faith that his action was sudden and followed an attendance upon a series of missions lately held here in a Roman Catholic church and a subsequent brief study of the Roman Catholic doctrine.

The Rev. Mr. Nichol, or Father Nichol, as he is called, was born in Toronto, Canada, about forty years ago, and was graduated from Trinity College, in that city, in 1879. After graduation, he became master in Trinity College School, Fort Hope, Toronto. He was admitted to holy orders as a Deacon in 1882, and was ordained to the priesthood in the Church of England in 1883.

Father Nichol came to this city in 1891, and, although he never became a member of the Diocese of New York, he received from the diocesan authorities a license to perform the functions of a clergyman in the Episcopal Church here. He became a protégé of the late Rev. Dr. George H. Houghton, then rector of the Church of the Transfiguration, and was by him made Sub-Warden of the Sisterhood of St. John the Baptist, an English order of religious women having a branch house in this city, of which Dr. Houghton was the Warden. For a time he was a curate in the Church of St. Mary the Virgin, of which the late Rev. Father Thomas McKee Brown was the rector.

One of Father Nichol’s chief characteristics was his ardent devotion to the Church of England, to the priesthood of which he belonged, while his fealty to the British Government was unquestioned. Although for nine years a resident of the United States, he never became a naturalized citizen of this country. He was one of the organizers of the Society of King Charles the Martyr, in America, and was its chaplain. The object of this association of believers in the martyrdom of King Charles I., the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of whose execution was held two weeks ago in the Holy Cross Church, at Avenue C and East Fourth Street, this city, is intercessory prayer for the defense of the Anglo-Catholic Church against the attacks of her enemies. Its obligations of membership comprise the weekly use of certain prescribed prayers. Mr. Nichol retained the chaplaincy of this society from the time of its establishment, in 1894, until a short time ago, when he resigned from its membership.

Father Nichol was also one of the founders and the prior of the North American Cycle of the Order of the White Rose, an English political organization, established here three years ago. The work of the Order of the White Rose is partially set forth in the following extracts from a circular letter sent to the Companions and Associates of the North American Cycle on the occasion of one of the anniversaries celebrated by the members:

Many people from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from Manitoba to the Gulf of Mexico have doubtless learned through our efforts many facts and theories entirely new to them. The Divine ordinance and right of monarchy, the sacrilege of regicide, the crime of rebellion, the hideous farce of mobs; these, no less than a re-reading of history with regard to the reigns and persons of the royal and devoted House of Stuart, and the hereditary right of the Heiress of Line, have, we are convinced, through our agency, been brought before thousands who have never so much as heard of them before.

A propaganda of loyalty to these principles is the object of the order, by means of lectures on historical and other subjects and by letters and articles in the public press. At the recent commemoration of the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the death of Charles I., the Order of the White Rose issued an elaborate memorial parchment bearing the coat-of-arms of the beheaded King and wrote: “In Memoriam, Charles of Great Britain, France, Ireland, and Virginia, King Defender of the Faith, and Martyr, January xxx., A.D. 1649.” with the single word “Remember” at the bottom.

Despite his extremely ritualistic tendencies and his inclination to asceticism, none of Father Nichol’s associates suspected that he would leave the communion to which he appeared to be most earnestly devoted. It was learned that his period of hesitation was of short duration, and that he was only a comparatively short time under instruction before his reception into the Roman Catholic Church, last week, at a private service. It is understood that he will study for Holy orders in the Church of his adoption, and that he will pursue his theological studies in England, where he will go within a few weeks. He is at present in retirement in Boston, Mass.

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